Dating indian arbuda com Chat cu web adult

Rated 4.67/5 based on 993 customer reviews

An image dated to the 11th century in the Lokanātha temple at Haṭṭiyaṅgaḍi, Coondapur, might be of Jāmbāla.73 A 12th-century inscription at Dharmavolal (today known as Ḍambaḷ, 60 km east of Hubli) records the worship of Buddha and Tārā.74 An image of Akṣobhya from Puttige, Mūḍabidure, dates to the 12th or 13th century.75 A 13th-century inscription from the village of Koḷivaḍ (20 km east of Hubli) records the worship of Tārā.76 According to the Jain exegete Vīrānandī, Buddhist ascetics called Ājīvakas were active in the Kanara region in the 12th century.77 Finally, two Tuḷu inscriptions, one dating to 1187 The accounts of tantric Buddhism in India by the 17th-century Tibetan scholar Tāranātha include several references to the Konkan.Tāranātha’s histories are notoriously unreliable, but some of his reports of teachers visiting the Konkan are corroborated by the older evidence noted above.As noted above, Tibetan hagiographies point to south India and the Deccan as being central to his activities and almost all Indian material and textual sources associated with him are from the Konkan and Deccan.41 The was composed at the request of the pontiff of the Bhikṣāvṛtti monastery in Srisailam43 and Virūpākṣa is said therein to have been born in present-day Maharashtra and to have travelled to Karnataka.44 The and may not, in its present form, be much older than that, but which preserves some old legends from the Kadri site,46 identifies Virūpākṣa with Śiva Mañjunātha of Kadri.All of the Nāths whose stories are told in the Virūpākṣa’s legend thus points to the south of the Indian subcontinent and in particular the Konkan as the likely location of the transition of his teachings from Vajrayāna to Nāth Śaivism, but gives little detail of how it might have happened, with only the Marathi actually indicating a transition from Buddhism to Śaivism.The gods become concerned and, at Brahmā’s instruction, go to Virūpākṣa and sing his praises, at which he puts the moon back in its rightful place.With this, the historical trail left in India by Virūpākṣa goes cold,40 but he has left enough clues for a tentative identification of the region in which his teachings were transmitted from Vajrayāna Buddhism to Nāth Śaivism.Sixth-century statues of Tārā and Avalokiteśvara are found in the western Deccan.61 The colophon of the ninth-century of Jayabhadra (who was also known as Koṅkaṇapāda) says that its author visited a temple of Tārā at the Konkan site of Mahābimba.62 A statue of Mañjughoṣa from the Kadri monastery but now in the Mangalore government museum dates to the ninth century or earlier.63 One of the 29 caves at Panhale Kaji contains a tenth-century image of the Vajrayāna deity Acala (Figure 3).The early ninth-century Vajrayāna adepts Dharmākara and his fellow initiate Pālitapāda lived in the Konkan.64 Pālitapāda was twice visited there, probably at Kadri, by Jñānapāda, the founder of an important eponymous tradition of exegesis of the records the establishment of a temple of Tārā Bhagavatī.71 An 11th-century stone statue of Tārā from Baḷḷigāve is still visible at the site and may be one of those mentioned in the contemporaneous inscriptions.72 As will be explored in more detail below, the Kadri Mañjunātha temple contains bronze sculptures of the Vajrayāna deities Lokeśvara and Mañjuvajra (as well as a bronze of the Buddha), with an 11th-century inscription recording the establishment of the Lokeśvara image in the , i.e., a Buddhist monastery at Kadri.

This article looks at a specific aspect of this relationship, that between Buddhist and Śaiva traditions of practitioners of physical yoga, which came to be categorised in Sanskrit texts as and whose teachings are found in many subsequent non-Buddhist works, the article draws on a range of textual and material sources to identify the Konkan site of Kadri as a key location for the transition from Buddhist to Nāth Śaiva It has long been recognised by indologists that Vajrayāna Buddhist and Nāth1 Śaiva traditions have much in common, in particular adepts, sacred sites and metaphysical terminology.In recent years scholars have explained these commonalities either by pointing to the Nāths as their originators or by claiming that the two traditions share a common substratum.Early 20th-century Indian scholars, on the other hand, viewed Vajrayāna Buddhism as their source.2The relationship between Vajrayāna and Nāth Śaiva traditions is but one part of the complex relationship between Vajrayāna and Śaivism as a whole, which has been the subject of detailed analysis since an article by Alexis Sanderson published in 1994 in which he demonstrated the dependence of certain Buddhist Yoginītantras on texts of the Śaiva Vidyāpīṭha.3 Shaman Hatley has shown that since the time of the earliest tantric texts there are likely to have been borrowings between the two traditions in both directions, albeit on a smaller scale than in the examples provided by Sanderson.4 David Seyfort Ruegg and Francesco Sferra, while accepting the borrowings demonstrated by Sanderson, have argued the case for a shared substrate, with Sferra proposing that “Buddhist and Hindu Tantric traditions only appear to be distant from one another at the theoretical level when the common practices and ‘substratum’ are imbued with a doctrinal content”.5 Sanderson has rejected the concept of a shared substratum because it is an entity that is only inferred, whereas everything we perceive in this context is either Śaiva or Buddhist.6.9 In this paper I shall draw upon textual, epigraphic and material sources to show that the Konkan (the coastal region of modern-day Maharashtra, Goa and Karnataka), and in particular the Kadri monastery in Mangalore, is likely to be where the was composed, and that its composition was symptomatic of the appropriation from Vajrayāna Buddhists by the Śaiva Nāths of not only practice and terminology, but also the Kadri monastery itself.He wanders across India and has various adventures, including the conquest of a demon threatening all the gods; the assumption of the appearance of an ascetic and subsequent humbling of the Veda-obsessed brahmins of Drākṣārāma (an episode which brings to mind the at Drākṣārāma);38 and a sojourn in Kāñcī, where he teaches the citizens by day and sports with women by night.This last episode includes an echo of the popular Tibetan story in which Virūpākṣa stops the sun in its course until the king pays the bill for his drinks.39 Here he falls for one of the women of Kāñcī and, in order to impress her, grabs the moon and makes it into a goblet with which to ply her with drink.

Leave a Reply